A Cleantech Trade War with China?

While we wait to see whether the next big move in oil prices--and hence gasoline prices--is up or down from today's level of around $125 per barrel, two stories in today's Wall St. Journal highlight some of the challenges facing manufacturers of equipment used to produce renewable energy. One concerns the intention of the US administration to seek the World Trade Organization's assistance in easing China's restrictions on its exports of rare earth materials used in a wide range of devices, including wind turbines, hybrid and electric vehicles, and some solar panels. The other is an op-ed offering a solution to the looming trade war over solar panel and wind turbine tower exports from China, modeled on the 1996 Information Technology Agreement that lowered trade barriers in that industry. The two stories are related, reflecting major unintended consequences of the ways we have approached our transition away from fossil fuels and toward lower-emission sources of energy.

Trade wars are risky things, because you never know where they will lead. The classic example of this is the Smoot-Hawley tariff of 1930. It and the responses to it by other countries helped deepen and extend the Great Depression, and I have never seen any analysis of them that concluded they were a good idea. A major trade dispute now over renewable energy hardware and the ingredients needed to produce it looks doubly unwelcome, because none of the parties comes to it with clean hands. Much of China's output of rare earths is being consumed by China-based manufacturers producing permanent magnet wind generators, electric vehicle motors, compact fluorescent lights, and solar equipment, much of which is exported to global markets that owe their very existence to government interference in the form of manufacturing, deployment and consumer tax credits; government loans and loan guarantees; feed-in tariffs; and fuel economy and lighting efficiency standards. There's hardly a single aspect of the global cleantech industry that is the result of unaided market forces.

The US complaint about solar imports is a good example. I wouldn't be surprised if the US government can make a strong case that the Chinese solar firms in question benefited from government assistance in ways that constitute unfair competition under established rules of international trade. Yet the same US government has provided substantial assistance to US solar manufacturers in the form of direct R&D support and federal loans and loan guarantees, as well as indirect help in the form of solar investment tax credits, cash grants, and project loans and loan guarantees that helped create and sustain a domestic market for them. All of these were necessary, because despite the significant cost reductions these incentives facilitated, the output of solar panels is still substantially more expensive than electricity from conventional generation. If we win this round with China, do we open the door to a whole series of WTO complaints against us by others who could claim harm from our own renewable energy policies?

From my perspective, these trade issues are a symptom of the larger problem of global overcapacity in wind and solar equipment manufacturing that has been created by the complex interaction of a mare's nest of national and local incentives and support for the production and deployment of these technologies, amplified by the disruption caused by the global financial crisis and recession of a couple of years ago and the ongoing financial crisis in Europe. A vast industry was created out of nothing and handed a market through a set of policies that could not sufficiently fine-tune development to prevent the emergence of a boom-bust cycle, and that now appears to be unsustainable itself in light of developed-country deficits and debts.

Trade disputes are one possible mechanism for attempting to rationalize this overcapacity, but in my view they constitute a much less productive approach than the one suggested by Professor Slaughter, who if I understand his proposal correctly is urging the rationalization of the government subsidies that have caused this situation in the first place. My biggest concern about his advice is his choice of the UN climate negotiating process as the best body to pursue such an initiative. That might be an appropriate venue, but its recent history doesn't inspire much confidence that it is up to the task.

Cleantech Firms Paying the Price for Subsidies

In observing the recent struggles of various segments of the global cleantech industry, including renewable energy and advanced energy technology firms, a pattern is emerging. Today's Wall St. Journal reports "Wind Power Firms on Edge," as the US wind industry hunkers down pending the renewal or expiration of a key subsidy at the end of 2012. A maker of electric-vehicle batteries that received a federal grant to build a factory in Indiana is reorganizing via bankruptcy, wiping out the equity of its original investors. Meanwhile, the US International Trade Commission may be on the verge of imposing retroactive tariffs on imported Chinese solar power equipment. Each of these stories has unique features, but what they share in common is the consequences of renewable energy policies around the world that promoted overcapacity in manufacturing and fierce competition in deployment, effectively setting up some of their past beneficiaries for failure or at least a period of very low margins. Depending on your perspective, this is either an indictment of such subsidies or collateral damage on our way to a brighter future.

One blogger from an advanced battery trade association noted that "Ener1 Is No Solyndra", and I tend to agree. As I've noted previously, the decision to award Solyndra a $535 million federal loan was ill-advised, not just because of competition from other solar manufacturers, but because at the time the government approved the loan the failure of Solyndra's business model was essentially already predetermined. Solyndra didn't contribute much to the global overcapacity in solar modules and panels, because its technology was never competitive. By contrast, Ener1's problems appear more fundamental. Like much of the global wind industry and solar industry, it was induced to invest in new capacity, the market for which depended almost entirely on subsidies and regulations that governments might not be able to sustain as these technologies scaled up, and that has gotten significantly ahead of demand.

The best examples of that are probably the various solar feed-in tariff (FIT) subsidies in Europe, which until recently were so generous that they not only supported the intended growth of an indigenous solar industry to capitalize on them, but also gave rise to an entirely unintended new export-oriented solar industry in Asia that had essentially no local market when it started, yet has since gone on to dominate global solar manufacturing and eat the lunch of the European solar makers and developers who got fat off the earlier stages of the FITs.

Or consider the US wind industry, including the imported equipment that still supplies around half of the US wind turbine value chain, according to the main US wind trade association. If the 2.2¢ per kilowatt-hour (kWh) Production Tax Credit (PTC) is renewed, and if wind generation grows from the current level of 115 billion kWh per year to 141 billion kWh by 2021, in line with the latest Department of Energy forecast, then over the next 10 years the wind industry would collect up to $30 B, with much of that locked in for projects that have already started up, less the amount generated by projects that opted for the expired Treasury cash grants in lieu of the PTC to the tune of $7.9 B from 2009-11. Yet based on these figures, wind would supply just 3.2% of US electricity in 2021. The industry now seems to be arguing that it needs just one more renewal of the PTC in order to become competitive. As of 2012, this benefit has been in place on an on-again, off-again basis for twenty years.

Although the theory that underpins such subsidies doubtless has some validity--that governments can help new technologies to develop quicker than markets alone would support, create markets for them by stimulating demand, and thereby move them down their learning curves to earlier competitiveness with conventional technologies--in practice such policies also have the serious shortcomings we are seeing. Because they do not operate in Soviet-style centrally planned economies, none of these governments can tell manufacturers precisely how much production capacity to build, or how much they will sell when it comes on-stream. In the absence of such powers--which in any case proved to be over-rated--companies and their investors are at the mercy of the boom-and-bust cycles such policies generate, with the normal, self-correcting mechanisms of industry consolidation dampened by continued intervention. Nor do the policies now in place seem very successful at creating industries that can survive without them. If you doubt that, ask the US wind industry for their forecast of new installations next year if the two-decade-old PTC is not renewed. According to the Journal, it would be somewhere between 0% and 30% of 2011's 6,810 MW, which was itself a third below the 2009 peak of 10,000 MW, despite the late-2010 extension of the cash grants to cover last year's projects.

The appropriate response to all of this depends on one's politics and the firmness of one's belief that these technologies are essential tools for combating climate change. Falling between the extremes of "just say no" and "look the other way" is the view that governments at least have an obligation to learn from the past and avoid the temptation to yield to demands that they leave existing subsidies in place until their beneficiaries decide they are done with them. If wind tax credits are extended, it should be at a level that recognizes the narrowing competitive gap with conventional energy and phases them out on a schedule. Electric vehicle subsidies should also be reassessed so that we don't find ourselves still providing upper-income taxpayers with incentives of $7,500 per car, even after sales have taken off and sticker prices fallen significantly. And solar subsidies ought to be fundamentally rethought to make it less attractive to install solar panels in regions with low sunlight, such as New York and New Jersey, than in those with abundant sun. And we shouldn't do that just for the benefit of taxpayers and in response to trillion-dollar budget deficits, but in the interest of producing healthy, globally competitive companies in these industries.

The Battle to Extend Wind Incentives

With the end of the year approaching, the annual Congressional debate over extending a variety of expiring federal tax credits and other benefits is gearing up again. Few of these measures are as high-profile as the payroll tax cut, but each has a vocal constituency, including renewable energy. The American Wind Energy Association (AWEA) has launched a major effort seeking inclusion of the Production Tax Credit (PTC) for wind power in this year's "tax extenders" package. That might seem premature, since the PTC won't expire until the end of 2012, until you realize that eligibility for the stimulus-funded Treasury renewable energy grants for which many wind project developers have opted over the PTC ends in a few weeks with little chance of a further extension. However, before simply tacking another year (or four!) onto a tax credit that began nearly 20 years ago, Congress should answer two basic questions: Is this still the most effective way to promote renewables like wind, and does wind power now require subsidies at all?

I don't blame AWEA for tackling this issue early, since the US wind industry has experienced significant volatility when previous PTC expirations went down to the wire, and in several cases lapsed for up to a year. At the same time, taxpayers deserve a more compelling rationale for continuing to subsidize wind power than the one now being offered. The "green jobs" argument is wearing thin, post-Solyndra, and it has become increasingly evident that helping to create a market for renewable energy technologies is a necessary but not sufficient condition to establishing a sustainable, globally competitive renewable energy manufacturing industry. Although more of the wind power value chain is now produced in the US than previously, too much of each wind subsidy dollar still goes offshore for this to be deemed an efficient way to boost to US jobs and manufacturing without reform.

In order to address the first question I posed, concerning the continued suitability of the PTC, it's important to understand how it works and how it compares to other renewable energy incentives. The current PTC provides wind project owners (or the parties to whom the tax benefit has been sold via a "tax equity swap") with an income tax credit of 2.2 cents per kilowatt-hour (kWh) of electricity actually generated and sold from the completed facility. Based on recent estimates of the levelized cost of electricity from unsubsidized wind power, that's over 20% of a typical wind farm's production cost. It's also equivalent to more than half of this year's average wellhead price of natural gas--a far larger subsidy per BTU than the controversial tax benefits currently provided to oil & gas firms.

The best thing about the PTC is that it is entirely outcome-based. You only receive the benefit when your project is completed, brought online, and as power is sold to customers. Mess up any of those steps and you get zilch. Put your project in a location with poor wind resource or limited access to transmission, and you won't get nearly as much tax benefit. So from that standpoint--ignoring the green jobs angle that arose mainly from expediency when the financial crisis and recession hit--we are getting what we pay for: actual low-emission energy. The structure of the PTC has cash-flow implications that are viewed as a problem by many wind developers but might be regarded as a useful feature by taxpayers. Smaller developers, in particular, have greater difficulty financing projects when the incentive must be deferred until after start-up, or they may lack sufficient taxable income to take full advantage of the credit. They complain about the need to transact swaps with bankers and other investors to realize the subsidy sooner, at a cost. But perhaps it's not such a bad thing for companies that small to have to convince an experienced third party that their project is really viable.

There are many alternatives to the PTC, including the 30% Investment Tax Credit (ITC), the same one received by solar and other technologies. The stimulus bill extended the ITC as an option for wind and allowed the Treasury Department to pay it as a cash grant, rather than waiting for subsequent tax filings. This certainly put money in the hands of wind developers much quicker--$7.6 billion since 2009 including $3.3 billion so far this year--and it has the added benefit of automatically scaling down as the cost of the technology falls. The solar feed-in tariffs favored in Europe didn't have such a feature, with the result that countries have had to cut them numerous times, but only after the fat tariffs gave birth to a huge export-oriented solar manufacturing industry in Asia. Similar competition is now emerging in the wind industry.

The main problem with the ITC is that when viewed from an outcomes perspective, which really gets to the question of effectiveness, the outcome being promoted is construction, rather than energy production. You would get the same tax credit for a project with the best wind resource as for one with the worst. (This has also led to a lot of solar installations in places that would never otherwise have been considered.) So of the two main policy tools the federal government has used to subsidize renewable electricity, the PTC is probably more cost-effective in delivering the result we should really want, which is more renewable energy. As it is, even with rapid growth over the last decade, wind accounted for just 2.8% of our power generation this year through August.

That brings us to the bigger question of whether wind should be subsidized at all after the current PTC term expires. I get emails practically every day from folks who have serious concerns about the health and environmental impacts of power, as well as its cost- and emissions-reduction effectiveness. Even if we ascribed all of these concerns to NIMBYism, it doesn't change the fact that the wind PTC, complete with annual inflation adjustment, is providing the same level of incentive as it did when the technology was much less mature and cost many times what it does today; AWEA cites wind costs having fallen by 90% since 1980. Other factors have also changed in the last twenty years. A majority of US states--and most of those with attractive wind resources--now have in place Renewable Portfolio Standards requiring utilities to include increasing proportions of renewable power in their supply. These mandates create a similar redundancy as the one between the ethanol blenders credit, which is also due to expire 12/31/11, and the biofuel mandates of the federal Renewable Fuels Standard. In the absence of the PTC, the state RPS system should provide a safety net--and more--for the industry.

There are two other key factors missing from AWEA's arguments for extending the PTC. The first is the economy, which is the main reason that US electricity demand has not been growing at a rate that would support large generating capacity expansions of any kind. New wind installations have been anemic for the last two years, in spite of last year's extension of the Treasury grants. Moreover, wind must now compete with the explosion of domestic natural gas production from shale, which when used in combined cycle gas turbines produces cheaper electricity than wind, with low emissions of the air pollutants that are of the greatest concern to most Americans, while still beating coal-fired power hands down on greenhouse gases.

Where all this leaves us depends on your priorities. If your main focus is on reducing greenhouse gas emissions and you see renewable power as a key strategy, then in the absence of a price on carbon you might support extending the PTC for at least a little longer. If you are concerned about climate change but more worried in the short term about the deficit, then letting the PTC lapse next year and relying on state RPS quotas to put a floor under wind looks reasonable. If boosting US cleantech manufacturing is your aim, you should prefer a more direct incentive than the PTC. And if your main worry is oil imports, then the PTC is irrelevant, since the US gets less than 1% of its electricity from burning oil, and most of that in remote and back-up power roles that wind can't easily fill. On balance, if after considering all the alternatives the Congress decides to extend the Production Tax Credit, it should be for an explicitly final period, at no more than the 1.1 cent/kWh rate that technologies like marine, hydropower and waste-to-energy now receive, and without the annual inflation adjustment that undermines the incentive to continue reducing costs.

Has the Solar Market Reached A Turning Point?

Several trends appear to be converging to make 2011 a watershed year for solar power, though not quite along the lines that solar advocates have been telling us to expect. The long-awaited arrival of "grid parity", when the unsubsidized cost of power from solar panels finally becomes competitive with that of power from the grid, is still either imminent or elusively out of reach, depending on who you ask. In the meantime, solar power remains critically dependent on government incentives. Changes in subsidy levels in key countries and the rapid growth of solar manufacturing in Asia are setting the stage for a shift in the geographical focus of the industry, with important implications for national energy policies.

Last year most of the new solar photovoltaic (PV) capacity in the world was installed in Europe, accounting for roughly 4 out of every 5 Watts of global PV additions. That shouldn't have surprised anyone, because it fits a long-standing pattern. However, the European policies that made it possible for PV to compete, even in such un-sunny northern locations as Germany, have come under considerable pressure as governments have been forced to confront high debt levels and other priorities. Feed-in tariffs (FIT) that guaranteed above-market power prices for the life of a PV installation have been slashed across Europe, including in Germany, Italy and France, in a trend that has lately spread beyond Europe. This is beginning to translate into lower demand. The reason it hadn't already resulted in a big reduction in European PV installations is that the cost of PV was dropping rapidly, further justifying legislated cuts to generous FITs.

Here's where the narrative diverges from the storyline that advocates outside the solar industry have been touting for years. Although a substantial portion of those cost reductions is attributable to economies of scale and experience curve effects--manufacturers finding new ways to cut costs as output climbs--a large slice of the reduction in global PV prices has been due to increased competition from lower-cost producers entering the game. The largest PV manufacturers in the world are now mainly based in China, rather than Europe, and PV producers outside Asia have had to shift much of their manufacturing to lower-cost locations in response. So for the last couple of years we've seen a global PV market focused mainly on sales in Europe but increasingly dominated by export-driven manufacturing in Asia. That picture is now changing as domestic demand in Asia picks up, along with growing installations in the US.

China is rapidly becoming the key country for solar, from both a supply and demand perspective. In addition to hosting leading PV producers such as JA Solar, Suntech Power, Trina Solar and Yngli Green Energy, China's latest five-year plan increases the country's solar power target to 10,000 MW by 2015 and 50,000 MW by 2020. That compares to global solar capacity of around 37,000 MW at the end of 2010, nearly half of which is in Germany. Ramping up installations to meet its new goals, as ambitious as they are, is unlikely to turn China from a net solar exporter to a net importer, as happened earlier for oil. That's because China's PV manufacturers are still adding capacity at a rate that should allow them to satisfy domestic demand in China--where they face only modest competition from foreign firms--while remaining highly competitive elsewhere.

With these developments, policy makers in Europe and the US who have been as focused on the creation of national solar manufacturing industries as on the deployment of solar as an element of their broader renewable energy strategies must answer a crucial question: As the PV industry develops and matures, will it follow the path of wind turbine manufacturing, in which established US and EU firms have been able to remain globally competitive, similar to the aerospace industry, or is it likelier to emulate consumer electronics, for which manufacturing is now dominated by Asian producers? If it's the latter, then the whole system of solar incentives must be rethought.

In the meantime, the shift of the solar power center of gravity away from northern Europe should advance the prospects for grid parity, because low-cost solar power depends as much on high-quality solar resources as on cheap PV panels. Geography isn't always destiny, but in the case of solar power its full potential will only be achieved when its deployment aligns large power demand with high average annual solar irradiance. In the long run, that points to a global PV market focused squarely on the US and China.

Fewer Choices Post-Fukushima?

Even before the resolution of the crisis at the Fukushima Daiichi reactor complex--a crisis that has diverted media attention from the much larger humanitarian crisis caused by last Friday's tsunami--its consequences for nuclear energy policy are rippling across the globe. It is extraordinarily premature to form conclusions about these events, although that didn't stop many from arriving at similarly hasty and under-informed conclusions in the case of last spring's Deepwater Horizon accident. Pervasive instant analysis promotes knee-jerk responses. If the nuclear renaissance that had already been slowed by the recession and financial crisis was struck a fatal blow last week, what could that mean for our energy choices in the years ahead?

Although I want to focus mainly on the potential consequences in the US, what has already transpired in Germany provides a cautionary tale. As reported Tuesday, seven nuclear power plants of similar vintage and/or design to the damaged quartet at Fukushima are being shut down, at least temporarily, as the German government reassesses its decision to extend the operating life of the country's 17 power reactors. Germany hasn't been comfortable with its nukes for some time, though I find it remarkable that 70% of the population is apparently concerned that an accident that required an epic earthquake and a tsunami to trigger could happen there, too. (The next time someone lectures you about German practicality, this would be a fine counter-example to trot out.) However odd that reaction might seem to me and others with an engineering/hard science bent, it's a reminder that nuclear risks are viewed differently than many others, perhaps because radiation is invisible and insidious in its effects. Even if the reactors are finally cooled down with no further incidents and no injuries beyond the plant personnel, who have taken great risks for the public good, we will tend to focus on how much worse the outcome could have been.

Yet shutting down those nuclear plants in Germany is not without consequences, either, as noted by the Breakthrough Institute. Germany's greenhouse gas emissions will inevitably increase, because the country is already adding renewable generation as fast as it can and must make up any shortfall from fossil fuels. After committing an estimated €120 billion ($167 billion) for solar power through 2011, based on the 20 years of feed-in tariff support existing installations will receive, Germany still gets just 2% of its annual generation from solar, compared to around 24% from nuclear. That's mainly because Germany is such an unsuitable location for solar.

What about the US? Nuclear power supplied almost 20% of the electricity generated here in 2010, compared to 45% for coal, nearly 24% for natural gas, 10% for all renewables, and less than 1% from oil. Any notion of replacing the contribution of nuclear power in the longer term would require careful consideration of the energy sources that might fill the gap--based on scale and growth potential--and what it would mean for efforts to cut greenhouse gas emissions by reducing the generation of electricity from coal, which accounted for 81% of the emissions from the electricity sector and 26% of all US emissions in 2009. As for replacing nuclear power in the short run, that's simply out of the question, unless we want to bring on a recession that would make 2009 look like a boom year.

It's not that it's impossible to imagine a US energy mix without nuclear. After all, that's what we had on a much smaller scale prior to the 1960s. We certainly have enough coal and natural gas to take up any slack, although I don't think that would be quite the desired solution of those who would be most eager for an end to nuclear power. For that matter, a combination of geothermal power and concentrated solar power (CSP), the former baseload and the latter at least dispatchable, could also fill the gap, although a geothermal build-out on that scale would provoke concerns about "induced seismicity", while CSP would be largely a regional solution or require lots of very long-distance, high voltage power lines that present massive NIMBY issues of their own. Wind power, which until last year was growing at around 40% annually, could provide 20% or more of the generating mix by 2030, but it can't substitute for nuclear's central role without far more cheap power storage than we can reasonably expect to have available by then. And while solar has great potential, especially as its cost falls, it's no better suited to delivering reliable 24/7 power than is wind, and it is starting from an even smaller level than wind's 2.3% of generation last year.

The likeliest replacement for nuclear power in the US would thus be a combination of sources similar to our current non-nuclear mix, comprised of about 55% coal, 30% gas and 15% renewables, with some help from efficiency. On the basis of the average emissions from these sources, making up for the loss of the 807 billion kilowatt-hours generated by nuclear last year would increase US greenhouse gas emissions by around 580 million tons of CO2-equivalent per year, or 10% of net US emissions in 2009. That would hardly be conducive to meeting our Copenhagen pledge to reduce emissions by 17% by 2020, but then in a non-nuclear world most such pledges would have to be considered null and void.

Barring a worst-case outcome in Japan, I don't expect a groundswell in the US if favor of abandoning nuclear power--not even for the 35 reactors of generally similar design to the ones at Fukushima. Despite that, the emissions figures I calculated above remain relevant. Without a concerted effort to build new power reactors in the next two decades, the US will be on a sure path to de-nuclearization, as 41 of the existing plants would reach the end of their lives and operating licenses--many after a full 60 years of operations--by the mid-2030s. That process could accelerate significantly if the facilities that are awaiting license extensions now face much tougher scrutiny and are turned down in significant numbers. In that case we could lose up to 10,000 MW of nuclear capacity by the end of this decade, generating roughly the same annual output as our entire current wind power capacity. There are some who are already working to make that happen, either openly or more subtly. In that context the story on MSNBC yesterday listing US nuclear reactors in order of earthquake risk was either a public service or fear-mongering, depending on your perspective.

Whether we back away from nuclear power all at once, as Germany seems poised to consider doing, or one plant at a time, the result would be much the same: increased emissions, costlier and less reliable power, at least in the near-to-medium term, and more strain on infrastructure. I still think we'll choose to include nuclear in our evolving future energy mix, particularly given the significant improvements in the technology since the Fukushima reactors were built, along with the development of new, smaller-scale nuclear power options. Yet I have to admit my confidence in that result has been shaken by the reaction to the events in Japan.

Will Oil Prices Rescue Ethanol?

Time is running out for the ethanol blenders credit and the matching ethanol import tariff, which at least one industry publication suggests are likely to survive, but at "sharply reduced rates." Although I'm among those who suspect that the blenders credit probably benefits consumers more than ethanol producers, as long as the national Renewable Fuel Standard is binding on blenders, it seems fortunate for the US ethanol industry that this situation is playing out when crude and gasoline prices have risen to levels we haven't seen since spring, and could go higher if current economic indicators hold up.

The US benchmark futures price for crude oil is suddenly flirting with $90/bbl again, and UK Brent crude, a better gauge of world oil prices whenever WTI inventories at Cushing, OK are this high, has already surpassed that mark. Even if oil's move is at least partly the result of recent currency fluctuations, it is supported by fundamentals in the form of gasoline and distillate inventories that for the first time in months are back within their normal seasonal ranges. Crack spreads, an indicator of refining margins, look strong, reflecting solid demand. All of that suggests that if crude prices move higher, increases will be passed on in product prices, rather than being absorbed partly by refiners. That doesn't sound like good news for motorists, but how could it help compensate the ethanol industry for the potential loss of some or all of the $0.45 /gal. blenders credit?

It helps in two ways. First, by pushing wholesale gasoline prices above those for prompt ethanol even without factoring in the credit, this gives refiners more incentive to add as much ethanol to gasoline as they can, to increase their profit margins. That should put positive pressure on ethanol prices, even as blenders approach the 10% "blend wall" that the recent EPA decision on E15 hasn't yet affected. That opens up headroom for ethanol producers who have recently seen their margins, or "crush spreads", squeezed by strong corn prices. And it's especially crucial for those producers who only recently emerged from Chapter 11 protection after a protracted margin squeeze in late 2008 though mid-2009. This is an industry that spent the last five years in a frenzy of capacity building, and that only escaped creating a severe and persistent glut of ethanol because some of the marginal operators couldn't afford to run their plants. If gasoline prices fell while corn prices remain high, losing the blenders credit could put a number of plants back into bankruptcy; rising gasoline prices constitute a lucky break.

It's anyone's guess whether the present configuration of markets will remain in place long enough to ease the ethanol industry through the transition it faces after December 31, if the Congress cuts the blenders credit and tariff or allows them to lapse. After all, Europe has just dodged another bullet with Ireland, and the Euro could come under renewed threat from Portugal, Spain or Italy at any time. If recent shopping results are any indication, the US economy is looking healthier, although joblessness remains high and unemployment benefits for millions are set to end before the holiday bills come due. If oil prices swooned in the next few weeks, consumers might be relieved, but ethanol producers would see it as another lump of coal in their stocking.

German Solar: Too Much of a Good Thing?

Until the recent reduction of its feed-in tariff, Germany provided some of the most generous solar incentives in the world. However, based on a statement last week by the head of the German energy agency, DENA, the rapid solar buildup threatens to overwhelm the country's power grid. Stephan Kohler proposed capping the amount of new solar that could be added each year at 1,000 MW, or around 10% of the capacity in place as of the end of 2009, in contrast to the 3,800 MW added last year, and as much as 6,000 MW expected to be added this year. Germany's solar incentives are often held up as a model for others to follow, but that rarely takes into account a growing list of unintended consequences that now appears to include grid congestion at high solar penetration.

The problem that Herr Kohler identified is rooted in the large disparity between the average and peak output of solar panels installed in high latitudes and under Germany's notoriously cloudy skies. The principal consequence of this disparity has been economic: it takes a lot more megawatts (MW) of solar capacity to produce the same output in Germany as in a sunnier location such as Spain, North Africa, or the US Southwest. The German government has overcome this impediment by throwing money at the problem. Until recently Germany had some of the most generous solar incentives in the world--generous enough that Germany accounted for more than half of all new solar installations last year. Even after several rounds of cuts this year, the owner of a new building-mounted solar array can still collect up to €0.33/kWh, equating to $0.46/kWh at the current exchange rate. Under the feed-in tariff system, utilities pass on the extra cost of buying renewable power to ratepayers, and as reported by the German Energy Blog recently, that will add €0.035/kWh ($0.049/kWh) to the average consumer's bill next year. Nearly half of that premium is attributable to solar power, even though it apparently accounted for only about 7% of all renewable power generated in Germany in 2009, because the country is such a poor location for solar power.

On average, every MW of solar capacity installed in Germany generates only about 100 kW over the course of the year. If that were a constant, it would be a lot easier for grid managers to accommodate. But of course that capacity generates nothing at night, while still putting 1 MW into the grid at noon on a bright summer day. That's more than twice the peak-to-average output ratio for solar in a good location in Southern California, Arizona or Nevada. The difference affects how much backup capacity must be available to the grid and likewise how much other capacity must be taken offline as solar output ramps up daily and seasonally. It also determines the nature of that swing capacity. While in a sunny location it might suffice to keep a few "peaking" gas turbines on standby--a role that might even be filled by electricity storage in the future--in a place as un-sunny as Germany it requires substantial capacity capable of running economically for many hours a day, week after week. That doesn't sound like a recipe for replacing German coal-fired power plants (or nukes) with photovoltaics.

Everyone knows solar power is cyclical. However, while I've tended in the past to ignore peak output and focus on the average output of solar in a given location, because that's what determines how much energy is actually delivered over time, the implication of Herr Kohler's comments is that the low capacity utilization inherent in solar installations in northern, cloudy regions amplifies the impact of solar's cyclicality. It's starting to look like the German feed-in tariffs, which were certainly effective as a solar policy in maximizing installations, despite Germany's disadvantages of climate and geography, weren't a very smart energy policy. They've placed too much emphasis on a technology that under German conditions only yields a third as much energy, on average, as the same amount of wind capacity, while still being capable of swamping the grid when the sun does shine. I hope that policy makers and grid planners in such similarly sub-optimal locations for solar as New Jersey and Ontario, Canada are paying very close attention.

The Pitfalls of Feed-In Tariffs

I recently ran across a story indicating that regulators in Arizona are considering implementing a feed-in tariff (FIT) for solar power in that state. This is somewhat ironic, coming as it does amidst a wave of hotly-debated reductions in European solar FITs, in response to the burden they've imposed on electricity customers and the unintended consequences they've created. With Germany, Spain, and now apparently France all slashing their FITs, it's worth taking a look at how these policies differ from the US federal and typical state incentives for solar power, and why they might not be the best choice for promoting solar power here, particularly in places with solar resources as inherently attractive as Arizona's.

As I've noted before, an FIT is effectively a tax, although imposed by utilities on ratepayers rather than by governments on taxpayers. It guarantees developers of renewable energy projects--usually for solar power--a predictable price for their output and thus a predetermined potential return on their projects, barring other project risks. Because these rates are normally fixed for long intervals, and only adjusted after much consultation and debate, they don't make allowance for the kind of significant cost reductions they're often intended to stimulate in the technologies to which they apply.

The price of solar photovoltaic (PV) modules has fallen sharply in the last two years, partly due to the classic experience-curve effects that the industry likes to tout, but also because of events such as the recession and alleviation of a global bottleneck in the production of polysilicon, the basic feedstock for most silicon-based solar cells. But module costs have also come down for another reason more directly related to the generous FITs that have been in place in Germany, Spain, France and elsewhere. They were so generous, in fact, that they attracted new entrants from low-cost manufacturing centers like China that were able to undercut local suppliers significantly and gain market share. In other words, instead of just helping to grow local solar industries--a clear example of industrial policy--high FITs can also spur new imports from foreign competitors with potentially sustainable cost advantages over domestic manufacturers.

In this regard, at least, the prevailing US federal policy of providing a substantial investment tax credit, or more recently the option of taking that ITC as an up-front cash grant, has important advantages. Because it is calculated based on the cost of each project, it automatically adjusts downward as technology and project prices fall--as we are frequently told they will continue to do for PV. Most of the state solar incentives I've seen take a similar form, providing consumers and businesses tax relief based on the cost of the solar systems they install, or cash rebates that decline rapidly based on cumulative capacity. Again, these are self-correcting, compared to Europe's FITs. That's beneficial for taxpayers, but also for the domestic solar industry, by forcing it to remain competitive.

Because the global solar industry has grown to a level of scale and sophistication such that it can quickly shift a large number of projects to the countries with the most attractive policies--as for example when developers decamped from Spain to France once the former's solar capacity threshold was reached in 2008--the cost of a FIT policy can mount quickly and unexpectedly. According to the Financial Times, solar incentives last year accounted for half the €6 billion annual tab for Spanish renewable energy subsidies, even though total solar capacity in Spain at year-end was just 18% that of wind, according to the Renewables 2010 Global Status Report of REN21. That's a lot to pay for installations that collectively displace the equivalent of just one medium-sized coal-fired power plant. States such as Arizona that are considering feed-in tariffs should think carefully, not just about the laudable goal of promoting solar power, but about the accompanying financial burden they're imposing on ratepayers, as well as the potential for unintended consequences.

Green Power or Green Jobs

Until now I've avoided the debate over a proposed wind project in Texas involving Chinese investors, federal renewable energy stimulus grants and wind turbines from China, mainly because I didn't think I had anything salient to add to the unpleasant mix of protectionism and second-guessing that was unfolding. This morning I read a posting on the subject from the Breakthrough Institute that, while offering a coherent explanation of how we got to this point, convinced me that the real problem still hasn't been addressed. Although the inconsistency of past and present US energy policy is readily apparent, the current concerns arise from general confusion over the benefits of renewable energy, exacerbated by the recent effort to spin these projects and technologies in terms of "green jobs." When we don't really understand why we are doing something, it's easy to make any outcome look like a failure--and there is no shortage of elements from which to craft such a view in the situation at hand.

The chief complaint about the project in question is that it might be eligible to take advantage of a key energy provision of the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act of 2009--this year's stimulus bill--that allows the developers of a qualifying renewable energy project to collect an up-front cash grant from the US Treasury equal to 30% of the cost of the project. In this case much of that money, along with the funds provided by the US and Chinese partners, would go to pay for wind turbines imported from China. As a result, most of the jobs this project would create would be in China, not the US. On the face of it, this looks like a colossal loophole that some high-profile legislators--who incidentally voted for the stimulus bill including this feature--are rushing to plug. However, this only looks like a nasty unintended consequence of a hastily-crafted law if you misunderstand the mechanics and purpose of the Treasury renewable energy grant program.

You have to begin with the renewable energy tax credits that were in place prior to the passage of the stimulus bill. Qualifying wind projects normally received a federal tax credit of 2 cents per kWh generated for ten years after start-up, adjusted for inflation. Along with similar tax benefits for solar and geothermal power and other renewable energy technologies, the wind Production Tax Credit (PTC) was due to expire at the end of last year. Last fall's TARP bill extended this benefit through the end of 2012*. So it's important to note that the West Texas project would have collected a similar amount of money from the government in the form of tax credits over the next decade, even without the option provided by the stimulus bill to convert those credits into an up-front cash grant. The latter merely made the cost of providing this benefit much more transparent. As noted in a report by the Investigative Reporting Workshop at American University, well over 80% of these grants to date have gone to non-US firms.

I can appreciate the outrage this has caused, particularly when this program was so heavily hyped as a way to create new jobs in the US during a recession, and in an industry that many see as holding the key to future US competitiveness in a carbon-constrained world. However, that outrage ought to be tempered by a clear understanding of the principal purpose for establishing the grants. Prior to the failure of Lehman Bros. last year and the subsequent seizing-up of the so-called "tax equity" market, it was customary for project developers to enter into agreements with banks and other parties to exchange the rights to their future PTC benefit stream for up-front cash to invest in the projects generating these credits. When that market became illiquid, new wind project development came to a virtual standstill. With financial markets in turmoil at the beginning of 2009, the Treasury grant program was conceived as a way to jump-start renewable energy project development, until the tax-equity market revived. In that regard it has been fairly successful, as evidenced not least by the sums issued under this program so far.

I can't tell whether the architects of this program failed to work through the consequences of their efforts sufficiently to see that, with domestic turbine makers such as GE Energy accounting for less than half of the US market, a large portion of the grants would end up benefiting foreign manufacturers. Perhaps they saw that potential but didn't appreciate the firestorm of controversy it would create, when someone figured out where the money was actually going. Or perhaps at that moment they were merely hyper-focused on getting legislation passed in order to arrest the apparent free-fall of the US economy. I'll leave that to others to sort out.

There's a deeper issue here, as well. The whole episode evokes memories of the endless debates over "industrial policy" in the 1980s. The US wind industry lags its European competition in market share because European countries chose to subsidize the sector through much more generous and consistent tax benefits and a hidden tax on electricity consumers (a.k.a. the "feed-in tariff".) But while that created an advantage for the European companies involved, it didn't make them self-sustaining or overcome the inherent shortcomings of wind power's intermittent output. In that light it's hard for me to regret that the US didn't invest more money in wind over the last 20 years. Another way to look at this is that European taxpayers and consumers have borne much of the pain of driving down the costs of wind power to a point at which it can begin to compete with power generated from natural gas (and to a much lesser extent from coal) with only the modest subsidies US taxpayers have been willing to provide.

That gets to the essence of the choice we need to clarify if we are to judge fairly outcomes such as the one presented in the proposed West Texas wind farm. Are we investing in these projects and these technologies mainly to create jobs in the US, or are we investing in them to generate low-emission electricity at the cheapest cost possible, in order to run the 90+% of the economy that is not devoted to producing energy?

Selling green energy as a jobs initiative has led directly to the confusion and consternation apparent in the reaction to Chinese investors and Chinese wind turbines in this West Texas wind project. The wind industry has already developed a globalized supply chain, similar to many other industries, and no one should be stunned if wind turbines from China show up in Texas, any more than China should be surprised that its nuclear power plant construction projects are creating jobs in the US. Our assessment of the value of renewable energy sources such as wind power should hinge on their efficacy at providing reliable and cost-effective energy supplies and reducing greenhouse gas emissions, not on domestic jobs creation--even in a recession.

*Correction: A reader reminded me that the TARP bill only extended the wind PTC by one year; the longer extension occurred in the stimulus.

Wake-Up Call

In his column in Sunday's New York Times, Tom Friedman highlighted the growth of renewable energy in China and proposed that it represented "The New Sputnik"--referring to the wake-up call this country received when the Soviet Union orbited the world's first satellite in 1957. As is so often the case when Mr. Friedman turns his attention to energy, I find his argument here to be made up of equal parts important insight and facile over-simplification. There is no doubt in my mind that the nascent renewable energy industry represents a new cornerstone for the global economy in the 21st century, and a tremendous business opportunity in the bargain. It is also a key element of any practical strategy to address the causes of climate change. At the same time, however, we must remain clear-headed about its characteristics and limitations, if we are to avoid falling into industrial-policy traps of the kind illustrated in last Friday's posting on solar power in Germany, or the creation of a green-energy equity bubble along the lines of last decade's Tech Boom/Bust.

At the core of these limitations is one so basic--and seemingly so obvious--that it constantly surprises me to hear smart people tangling themselves up in its allure. Perhaps that's because many of the venture capital folks funding new energy start-ups cut their teeth on the technology of the information/telecommunications revolution. Unfortunately, green energy is not the next Internet, at least not in the sense of a wave of technology that changes everything it touches and enables the creation of a vast array of new products and services that would have been impossible without it, and even inconceivable before its arrival. That's because however novel its means of producing it, the output of renewable energy technologies is something that is really quite mature: energy in its various forms, and mainly electricity. A "green electron" is physically and functionally indistinguishable from one generated from coal, gas, fission, or any other energy source. Nor is there an energy analog to Moore's Law, the empirical relationship describing the remarkable improvements in computing power that have put the data processing power of the entire Apollo space program into your laptop.

For developed countries, the green energy proposition is focused on replacing the energy already being supplied from other sources, including coal, oil, and natural gas. This will certainly have environmental benefits, including making our energy consumption more sustainable in the long run by linking it to the perpetual energy flows around us, rather than depleting sources of fossil fuels. However, the fact that this substitution is occurring on a still-modest scale, and only as a result of substantial subsidies and incentives from all levels of government, serves as a reminder that this is hardly a case of a better/faster/cheaper innovation sweeping its inefficient predecessors out of the way. If anything, rushing headlong to implement renewable energy before it has become fully competitive with our traditional energy sources risks embedding higher energy costs into the value chains of most of the goods and services produced across the entire economy. Governments may shift the point where that burden falls, but they can't wish it away.

The proposition for developing countries is decidedly different, and that's what Mr. Friedman has grasped with the determination of a Gila monster. There's not enough coal, oil or gas in the world to enable China and India to match the per-capita income of, say, Spain, and the climate change and local air-quality consequences of their trying to get there the old way are almost unthinkable. For them renewables, along with nuclear power, represent a necessary step in their development path. It shouldn't surprise anyone to see powerful renewable energy firms emerging in these countries in much the same way that powerful railroad and oil companies emerged during our own development. Some of them will become formidable global competitors.

Mr. Friedman sees a Sputnik moment in this, though I'm a little surprised that someone who made his name explaining globalization to the US public would choose to frame it in terms of a nationalistic competition between China and the US. I'd see it as more of a key signpost for business. Globally, wind power installations have been growing at a compound average rate of 28% since 2000, and solar has been running at about the same pace. That means that the industrial capacity to supply wind turbines and solar panels has been growing at similar rates in the background. The 27,051 MW of new wind capacity installed last year represented global sales of around $60 billion worth of hardware, ignoring the associated infrastructure. Until renewables, the US energy industry hadn't seen growth rates like this since the days of rural electrification and the take-off of the motor car in the 'teens and 1920s. Still, we can't lose sight of the fact that the driver here is not market economics or engineering superiority but a bewildering array of regulations and incentives in the form of renewables mandates, tax credits, feed-in tariffs and the like, with cap & trade waiting in the wings.

In the years ahead, the growth of renewable energy and related technologies will create huge opportunities. Someone is going to make a lot of money in these new green industries, though they also come with the potential for others to lose fortunes, as rapid technology change turns many of yesterday's brightest innovations into dead ends. The history of the high-tech industry is rife with example of this. While I agree with Mr. Friedman that the US runs the risk of being left behind if we don't embrace renewable energy, that embrace must take into account the fundamental differences in relative development levels between us and China. For the present, the real bonanza in clean energy appears to lie on the side of building it and selling it into government-supported markets, rather than implementing it wholesale here, if that means scrapping trillions of dollars worth of infrastructure, plant and equipment with decades of remaining useful life.

Misguided Incentives

Today's Wall St. Journal includes an interesting article on the emerging controversy concerning Germany's subsidies for solar power and their unintended consequences for that country's solar industry. It seems that solar incentives there have been so generous that they have discouraged German solar manufacturers from focusing on becoming competitive, rather than merely bigger. As a result, a growing share of the incentives is going to foreign firms that can sell these products cheaper. The hue and cry about this suggests that perhaps the original motivation behind the subsidy program, which not long ago was paying as much as a dollar per kilowatt-hour for power generated from solar panels, had at least as much to do with industrial policy as protecting the environment. In fact, Germany may have harmed the environment by wasting money on an impractical solution for such a cloudy place, when the same funds could have bought much greater emissions reductions in other areas of the economy. This should serve as a cautionary tale for those who are promoting similar incentives here, and for columnists--even those with a Nobel Prize in Economics--who argue that going green will be cheap. It won't be if we encourage the wrong technologies with bloated incentives.

At the heart of the solar debate in Germany is something called a "feed-in tariff" or FIT. It requires utilities to buy the output of qualifying solar power installations at a guaranteed fixed price well above the prevailing price in the power market. What's unique about the FIT compared to incentives such as the US federal renewable Production Tax Credit of 2.1 cents per kWh is that the funds to pay this green premium don't come from the government but from each utility's ratepayers. In other words, it is a mechanism for redistributing wealth from utility customers to the owners of solar installations, whether the affected ratepayers receive any solar power or not. The paradox of the FIT is that it makes the most sense when a technology is at its very earliest stages, producing so little energy that the cost to average utility customers is just pennies a month. The more solar power is produced and bought at inflated prices, the higher utility bills go and the less competitive the entire economy becomes.

So far, this just sounds like a political matter. Germany decided to nurture a large industry to build and install solar products and chose to pay for it by sending the bill to utility customers every month. That might even make a certain amount of practical sense, if not for two facts. First, the subsidy remains extravagantly generous, even after having been significantly reduced in recent years. It currently stands at a range of 34-43 €cent/kWh, depending on the kind of installation involved. At current exchange rates, that equates to $0.50-0.635/kWh. A recent study comparing levelized power costs for a variety of power technologies puts the cost of unsubsidized solar power between $0.26-.32 for the crystalline silicon photovoltaic cells that most German solar firms produce, based on an average capacity factor above 20%. After adjusting for Germany's much poorer solar intensity, the cost of solar power might rise to as much as $0.40/kWh, still well below the level of the FIT. This makes un-sunny Germany a remarkably attractive place to sell solar panels, and German companies haven't been the only ones to notice this. Suddenly the FIT looks like a means for Germans to subsidize Chinese solar firms, and that is not going down quite so well. More importantly for the success of Germany's solar industrial policy, the Journal indicates that the head of one of the country's largest solar module manufacturers is now arguing that German suppliers will not become efficient enough to compete in the global market for solar panels unless they are weaned off such generous support.

The high effective cost of the emissions reductions these subsidies are buying ought to be of equal concern to German policy makers. Even if you assume that each kWh of power generated by FIT-subsidized solar panels backs out a kWh generated from coal, the extra premium over the cost of other low-emission power sources such as wind is enormous. The difference in the average solar FIT vs. Germany's FIT for offshore wind of 13 €cent/kWh ($0.19/kWh) yields an effective cost of CO2 reduction from solar of about $400 per ton. That compares to a current price for emissions credits on the European Climate Exchange of around $19/ton CO2. The more you pay for reducing emissions, the less of them you can afford to reduce, even in a prosperous country like Germany.

At the end of the day, German politicians appear to have spent billions of Euros of German consumers' and businesses' money to build a solar industry that has thrived on the installation of high-costs solar panels in one of the least suitable countries for solar power imaginable, and that may not be able to compete internationally without drastic restructuring. This initiative has also failed dismally as climate policy, purchasing less than 5% of the emissions reductions that could have been bought had this money been spent on other, more cost-effective power technologies or on energy efficiency. The further irony is that much of the German investment in solar technology to date would have to be written off should it turn out that the current generation of technology can't be made cheaply enough under any circumstances, and crystalline silicon cells ultimately give way to cells relying on non-silicon thin-film techniques or novel nanotech-based designs. These are the perils of industrial policy masquerading as environmental policy, and it is hardly a winning case for the application of a similar FIT in the US.

Sunshine in Germany

I'm still catching up on the news, after a long weekend in a remote location. Among the articles I missed was one in Friday's New York Times on Germany's subsidies for solar power. Although the country's system of "feed-in tariffs" and the rapid growth in solar power to which they have contributed are the envy of renewable energy advocates around the world, some German legislators have concluded that the structure is too expensive for the small amount of clean electricity it generates: 0.6% of a mix still dominated by coal. If you dissect the arguments and view the environmental elements rationally, the debate is essentially over industrial policy, rather than energy policy. It provides a lesson that we should study carefully, in light of ambitious proposals at the federal and state level to emulate the German approach.

Although the Times article included a wealth of data, it neglected to mention the magnitude of the subsidy embedded in Germany's solar feed-in structure, which obligates utilities to purchase power from various renewable energy technologies at a set price for 20 years. The current law reduces that rate each year, though a more aggressive decline has been deferred for a couple of years. The cost of acquiring this power is allocated across all rate-payers, and many analyses focus on the relatively modest impact on each household--just a few Euros per month, so far. But that allocated cost is only small because the amount of electricity being generated is quite small, not because the tariff is. In fact, the feed-in tariff for electricity generated from photovoltaic modules is eye-poppingly generous: about 50 €-cents per kWh, which at current exchange rates translates to $0.78/kWh. Compare that to the $0.06-0.08/kWh cost of US wind power cited in the recent DOE study. Even if coal-fired electricity cost as much as €0.10/kWh in Germany, the effective cost of the carbon emissions saved by solar power at these prices equates to a staggering €440/ton, or about 17 times the going rate for emissions credits on the European Climate Exchange.

The Times noted that Germany receives fewer hours of sunshine each year than many other places, calling the growth of solar power in spite of this deficiency "all the more remarkable." Other adjectives come to mind, "silly" being one of the kindest. It is sometimes easy to forget that even Munich, Germany's southernmost metropolis, is farther north than Bangor, Maine or Quebec City. The combination of high northern latitudes and frequent cloudy conditions results in very low annual "insolation", the amount of solar energy delivered per square meter. The best regions of Germany for solar power receive less than half the solar energy of the US Southwest, and the worst get about a third. Of all the forms of renewable energy that Germany might have chosen to subsidize so generously, solar power seems the least suited to the country's physical geography.

When taken together, these two factors suggest strongly that Germany's support for its solar power industry has very little to do with either energy or environmental policy and everything to do with national industrial policy--creating industrial champions and the so-called green-collar jobs about which we have heard so much during the US presidential campaign. However, even without a recession, Germans are apparently now beginning to wonder about the cost-effectiveness of such an approach, which has loaded up a cloudy, northern country with solar panels that rarely see the sun. The German PV miracle should be a cautionary tale for US politicians and regulators, not a model to copy.