How Much Will Low Oil Prices Stimulate Demand?

• Since weak oil demand growth is a major ingredient in the current oil price crash, higher demand stimulated by low prices could be a moderating factor.
• While US demand has risen since prices fell, there are several reasons why the global response may be slower to appear and less dramatic.

One of the main factors that will determine the depth and duration of the current slump in oil prices is the extent and timing of a resulting rebound in demand. It is likely to occur first in countries like the US, where fuel taxes are low and consumers see the results of lower oil prices at the  gas pump relatively quickly--a $1.65 per gallon drop already, since June. However, other factors besides taxes could impede faster demand growth elsewhere. 

From 2007 to 2009 the combination of high oil prices and a weak economy reduced US petroleum demand by almost 2 million barrels (bbl) per day, compared to its 2006 peak. The first volumes backed out of the market were imported refined products, which had grown rapidly from the mid-1990s until 2005. Low domestic demand and expanding US oil production then led US oil refiners to seek new markets, particularly in Latin America. US petroleum product exports have increased by around 1.7 million bbl/day since the recession began.

These refiners might reasonably expect their domestic and foreign markets to grow faster with oil prices dramatically lower. So far, it's hard to see more than hints of this in the lagged data from the US government or API, which reported December gasoline demand at a 7-year high. It's also hard to discern how much can be attributed to oil prices, rather than to US economic growth and a falling unemployment rate. The October update of vehicle miles traveled from the US Department of Transportation was still well below its 2008 peak but showed a modest upward trend, although that seems to have begun before oil prices fell.

Other indicators are also mixed. By the end of last year sales-weighted fuel economy of new vehicles sold in the US had declined by 0.7 miles per gallon from its August 2014 peak. That reflected US consumers buying larger vehicles, including more SUVs, fewer hybrids and only slightly more plug-in electric cars than in the prior year. Despite this retreat, full-year-average fuel economy tracked by the University of Michigan still showed a more than 5 mpg gain since 2007, equating to 20% better fuel efficiency. So the roughly 45 million cars and light trucks sold in the US in the last three years--nearly a fifth of today's light-duty fleet--will use less gasoline than the ones they replaced, even in the most robust response to low gas prices imaginable.

Globally, growth prospects seem equally mixed. Since last July the International Energy Agency has reduced its forecast of 2015 petroleum demand growth by a cumulative 500,000 bbl/day, to +0.9 million bbl/day, as the global economy weakened.  These conditions could combine with currency-related effects to dampen, or at least delay, a potential surge in global oil demand due to low prices. 

Because oil is traded in US dollars, the dollar's recent strength shrinks the oil savings experienced by other importing countries. While all of these countries are paying less for oil than they did last summer, exchange rates have eroded 10-30% of that benefit. The chart above displays this effect for the Euro and Japanese Yen. Closer to home, currencies like the Mexican and Colombian Pesos have depreciated by 12% and 29% since June, respectively.  That could prove significant, since Mexico's refined product imports from the US averaged over 500,000 bbl/day in 2014 (through October), along with over a million bbl/day to the rest of Latin America.

Since petroleum products are sold in local currency, after tax at the pump, consumers in many countries have seen a smaller drop to which they might respond, compared to US consumers. The average German gasoline price has fallen by just 19% since June and the average UK price by 20%, compared to 42% in the US. Meanwhile state-controlled gasoline prices in Brazil and Mexico have  gone up. That's unlikely to induce more driving.

So far the weekly figures  for US refinery throughput are up compared to last year, implying higher expected product sales. However, US inventories of gasoline and diesel fuel have also been growing for the last several months. If rising demand doesn't erode inventory gains soon, refiners may need to reduce processing rates, and that would feed back to oil prices. The next few months of energy statistics should tell a very interesting story.

 

A different version of this posting was previously published on the website of Pacific Energy Development Corporation.

Will Oil Prices Rescue Ethanol?

Time is running out for the ethanol blenders credit and the matching ethanol import tariff, which at least one industry publication suggests are likely to survive, but at "sharply reduced rates." Although I'm among those who suspect that the blenders credit probably benefits consumers more than ethanol producers, as long as the national Renewable Fuel Standard is binding on blenders, it seems fortunate for the US ethanol industry that this situation is playing out when crude and gasoline prices have risen to levels we haven't seen since spring, and could go higher if current economic indicators hold up.

The US benchmark futures price for crude oil is suddenly flirting with $90/bbl again, and UK Brent crude, a better gauge of world oil prices whenever WTI inventories at Cushing, OK are this high, has already surpassed that mark. Even if oil's move is at least partly the result of recent currency fluctuations, it is supported by fundamentals in the form of gasoline and distillate inventories that for the first time in months are back within their normal seasonal ranges. Crack spreads, an indicator of refining margins, look strong, reflecting solid demand. All of that suggests that if crude prices move higher, increases will be passed on in product prices, rather than being absorbed partly by refiners. That doesn't sound like good news for motorists, but how could it help compensate the ethanol industry for the potential loss of some or all of the $0.45 /gal. blenders credit?

It helps in two ways. First, by pushing wholesale gasoline prices above those for prompt ethanol even without factoring in the credit, this gives refiners more incentive to add as much ethanol to gasoline as they can, to increase their profit margins. That should put positive pressure on ethanol prices, even as blenders approach the 10% "blend wall" that the recent EPA decision on E15 hasn't yet affected. That opens up headroom for ethanol producers who have recently seen their margins, or "crush spreads", squeezed by strong corn prices. And it's especially crucial for those producers who only recently emerged from Chapter 11 protection after a protracted margin squeeze in late 2008 though mid-2009. This is an industry that spent the last five years in a frenzy of capacity building, and that only escaped creating a severe and persistent glut of ethanol because some of the marginal operators couldn't afford to run their plants. If gasoline prices fell while corn prices remain high, losing the blenders credit could put a number of plants back into bankruptcy; rising gasoline prices constitute a lucky break.

It's anyone's guess whether the present configuration of markets will remain in place long enough to ease the ethanol industry through the transition it faces after December 31, if the Congress cuts the blenders credit and tariff or allows them to lapse. After all, Europe has just dodged another bullet with Ireland, and the Euro could come under renewed threat from Portugal, Spain or Italy at any time. If recent shopping results are any indication, the US economy is looking healthier, although joblessness remains high and unemployment benefits for millions are set to end before the holiday bills come due. If oil prices swooned in the next few weeks, consumers might be relieved, but ethanol producers would see it as another lump of coal in their stocking.

Weak Dollar Fallout

Wednesday evening I was interviewed by a news radio station in Kingston, Jamaica. Unfortunately, it took place by telephone, rather than on location. Most of the host's questions concerned the likely course of oil prices, and she was particularly interested in the role played by the depreciation of the US dollar. Today's Washington Post includes a helpful set of graphs charting oil's rise over the last year in US and Canadian dollars, Sterling, Euros and Yen. Compared to the currencies of our major trading partners, the dollar's weakness explains about a third of the one-year change in what we pay for oil. Even if market fundamentals drive oil prices somewhat lower over the next year, as seems likely, the US and countries with currencies linked to ours might not get much relief, if the dollar continues its slide.

The article accompanying today's graphs mentions the usual factors spurring on oil prices: geopolitics, OPEC, and the weak dollar. The influx of portfolio investment into oil markets--a.k.a. "speculation"--is directly related to the decline in equity markets, and to inflationary expectations caused by spikes in consumer and producer prices and the general consensus that the Federal Reserve will focus on lubricating the economy, rather than fighting inflation. So investors seek stable value and positive returns in commodities, and the prophecy becomes self-fulfilling, for now, worsening the trade and fiscal imbalances contributing to a weak dollar. As bad as that cycle is for Americans coping with rising food prices, resetting adjustable-rate mortgages, and high fuel prices, it is disastrous for small developing countries.

Since January 2007, oil prices have gone up by about $40 per barrel, adding roughly $14 billion to our monthly oil import bill--$170 billion on an annualized basis. As painful as that has been for our $14 trillion economy, imagine what it has done to countries such as Jamaica, with a $13 billion GDP that relies on imported oil for most of its energy needs, and with a currency that has actually declined slightly against the US dollar. A $1 billion increase in their oil import tab isn't just an extra burden; it's a crisis.

The primary focus of the Jamaican radio discussion in which I participated was on the estimated oil price that should go into their national budget. Given their reliance on imported oil, that figure will largely determine how much is left over for all other consumption and investment, public and private. Guess too low, and programs and projects will be slashed later, or more money borrowed. Guess too high, and necessary programs get cut now, causing hardships and squandering political capital. $80 per barrel might look right based on the fundamentals, but can they afford to bet that the dollar won't drop another 10%, or that Venezuela--their main oil supplier--won't finally follow through on one of its unpredictable leader's threats? Many other resource-poor countries are in a similar bind, with a lot less control over the outcome than we have.